Pro-Union Labor-Law Reform Coming in China?
The New York Times has a very interesting article on proposed labor-law reforms in China. David Barboza, China Drafts Law to Boost Unions and End Labor Abuse, N.Y. Times (Oct. 13, 2004).
The New York Times has a very interesting article on proposed labor-law reforms in China. David Barboza, China Drafts Law to Boost Unions and End Labor Abuse, N.Y. Times (Oct. 13, 2004).
A colleague recently speculated that some employers will respond to Oakwood by giving their employees the authority to “assign” or “responsibly direct” other employees in order to render them statutory supervisors. In the case of rotating charge nurses, he predicted that some employers with the same motive will increase the regularity and substantiality of the time the nurses spend as charge nurses.
Despite organized labor’s extreme rhetoric calling the Oakwood Healthcare decision “shameless”, “cheap”, a “semantic trick”, and redefining NLRB to “National League of Republican Businessmen”, few individuals will be “deprived” of their rights. First, unlike healthcare, most industry sectors do not employ significant numbers of professionally trained, scientific, or advanced degreed individuals who, additionally, might also qualify for the “supervisory” exclusion. Second, unless unions actually engage in organizing, any mass “deprivation of rights” is theoretical. Targeting the NLRB when it was responding to two rebukes from the Supreme Court to “get it right” is wrong-headed. It is the 1947 amendments to the 1935 Act that is the basis for the NLRB’s ruling on who is or who is not a “supervisor.” Of course, therein lies organized labor’s objective – political rescue. This issue surely will be at the top of their legislative agenda in the new Congress.
In interpreting the statutory terms “assign,” “responsibly to direct,” and “independent judgment” as set forth in this decision, we have endeavored to provide clear and broadly applicable guidance for the Board’s regulated community. Our dissenting colleagues predict that our definitions will “create a new class of workers” who are excluded from the Act but do not exercise “genuine prerogatives of management.” We anticipate no such sea change in the law, and will continue to assess each case on its individual merits. In deciding this case, moreover, we intentionally eschewed a results-oriented approach; rather, we analyzed the terms of the Act and derived definitions that, in our view, best reflect the meanings intended by Congress in passing Section 2(11) and would best serve to effectuate the underlying purposes of the Act. If our adherence to the text of and intent behind the Act should lead to consequences that some would deem undesirable, the effective remedy lies with the Congress.
If the National Labor Relations Act required [the majority's interpretation]—if Congress intended to define supervisors in a way that swept in large numbers of professionals and other workers without true managerial prerogatives—then the Board would be dutybound to apply the statute that way. But that is not the case. The language of the Act, its structure, and its legislative history all point to significantly narrower interpretations of the ambiguous statutory terms “assign . . . other employees” and “responsibly to direct them” than the majority adopts. The majority rejects what it calls a “results-oriented approach” in interpreting the Act. But the reasonableness of the majority’s interpretation can surely be tested by its real-world consequences. Congress cared about the precise scope of the Act’s definition of “supervisor,” and so should the Board. Instead, the majority’s decision reflects an unfortunate failure to engage in the sort of reasoned decision-making that Congress expected from the Board, which has the “primary responsibility for developing and applying national labor policy.”